‘We will not give up our land’: The roots of Ukraine’s endurance

Recent polls show that Ukrainians oppose a peace plan that would require their country to cede its territories to Russia – 75% of Ukrainians polled said they do not want to give up Donbas for the sake of an illusory “peace.”

Slightly fewer – 63% of Ukrainians – say they are prepared to endure the hardships of war for as long as necessary. This resolve persists despite constant missile and drone strikes, prolonged power outages, and the steady stream of news about relatives or friends killed or wounded at the front.

At the same time, Ukrainians, judging by the polls, understand their endurance will be required for a long time to come – only 9% expect the war to end soon.

Where does this resilience come from? How, for a fourth year in a row, do Ukrainians find the strength to continue resisting despite heavy losses and deep fatigue?

We explore these questions with Lidiya Smola, a Doctor of Political Sciences, historian, political scientist, and psychologist. She is a professor at Kyiv Polytechnic Institute (KPI), a certified trainer, the author of two books on propaganda and the psychology of influence, and a contributor to the development of the Information Security Doctrine.

Tell us, what is special about Ukrainian resilience? Why does Ukrainian society not grow tired despite years of exhausting war?

First of all, it is important to point out the uniqueness of the circumstances of Ukrainian resistance and endurance. We are holding on during a very brutal existential war – when the enemy directly shows that its goal is the complete destruction of Ukraine; it is obvious to everyone that no one will be able to hide in Lviv. Putin does not need only Donbas; he needs all of Ukraine, and the brutality of the Russians in Bucha proves this.

There is a shared understanding that it is impossible to negotiate with the Russians. In addition, external circumstances are important. The fact that we maintain endurance amid the disintegration and erosion of the traditional system of international security, when the world’s main policeman – the United States – voluntarily renounces its mission, demonstrates the uniqueness of our resistance.

What is the secret?

The secret of Ukrainian endurance and strength rests on three pillars. The first is values. For Ukrainians, freedom, dignity, family, land, and education are key. This is very clearly seen in sociological studies over the past 20 years. The experience of previous wars, the Holodomor, and other tragedies formed a pattern – never to lose faith and hope. Independence is already part of our life philosophy. And land has a sacred meaning for Ukrainians, even for those who do not own land and do not work it. That is why we will not give up our land. The second pillar is social solidarity.

You mean horizontal ties…

Exactly. For Ukrainians, horizontal ties, caring for neighbors, friends, and the interests of the community have always been an important value. In Russia, by contrast, there is an atomized, weak society and a strong vertical of power. Even the current Russian-Ukrainian war is a war that Russia is waging as a repressive vertical state machine against a people’s square, against the Maidan. In difficult situations (accidents, inaction of local authorities, etc.), Russians record “petitionary” videos appealing to Putin, while Ukrainians, criticizing the authorities, look for a way out of the difficult situation themselves. The fact that Ukrainians are unique in their strong horizontal solidarity is evidenced not only by the two Maidans, but also by incredible examples of mutual assistance during blackouts, as well as Ukrainian volunteerism, which has reached billion-hryvnia fundraising and the production of drones on an industrial scale – this is also an indicator.

What is the role of authorities?

Unfortunately, it seems to me that recently the authorities have begun to lose the connection with the horizontal level… The authorities during elections have always ‘played up to’ and ‘seduced’ the Ukrainian voter. They exploited Ukrainians’ cordocentrism. Afterwards, when they ‘overplayed their hand,’ they received their Maidan as a reminder of Ukrainians’ rights and freedoms. And this example most of all frightened the Russian authorities. The current Ukrainian authorities, who believed that in the conditions of an exhausting war they would have absolute power, have also encountered – even if a small, cardboard one – a Maidan as well. And even this small public protest frightened them greatly.

What is the last?

Finally, the third component is mental flexibility. This is not about psychological deviations and not about mood swings. Ukrainians are unique in their ability to find ways out of any situation. Where others see a problem, Ukrainians see opportunities. There are historical examples. In this respect, we are somewhat similar to the British in 1940 – when the aggressor conquered all of Europe, you are one-on-one with an enemy that destroys your cities with bombings, and behind your back, the United States does nothing because it does not want to intervene in the war. But the British withstood that blow – because they had not only resilience, but also adaptability, and were able to adapt to difficulties in what seemed to be a hopeless situation.

What awaits Ukrainians after the war? And Russia as well?

We will have many problems even after the war. Those who now say that Russia will be able to fight forever and that its resources are infinite are pouring water on the mill of Russian propaganda. That is not the case. With the economic situation Russia is currently in, and the social processes taking place there, it will not be able to fight for long. The disintegration of Russia is inevitable. I analyze internal processes in Russia and see that their experts are already talking about this.

In the conditions of an economic crisis, a conditional Irkutsk or Kazan will ask the question: why do we need Moscow? After the war, when Russia plunges into another period of chaos, civil war, and disintegration, it will not be easy for us either – much of what is currently unknown to the general public will surface, including issues related to preparations for the war before the full-scale invasion, and other matters. There will be many questions from everyone to everyone, but we will overcome this.