Shormaz: Vucic’s regime rehabilitated crimes committed during the 1990s

Authorial writing by Dragan Shormaz for The Geopost

With the passage of time, the clash between different groups and the most influential individuals within the student protest movement is increasingly intensifying to establish their control over the composition of the future electoral list. This battle is being waged both for the imposition of the narrative and programmatic objectives, as well as for future personnel solutions and the names that will be included in the parliamentary electoral list.

It is precisely at these moments that the numerous limitations and shortcomings that will likely deepen within this political option – or, more precisely, within several such options – become more apparent. Since the beginning of May, when the request for early parliamentary elections was first officially presented, the student protests officially became political. From that moment on, speculation began about what the future student list might look like, although student forums initially declared that they would form and support a certain list, but that the students themselves would not be part of it.

Meanwhile, the large Vidovdan rally took place, during which the first programmatic ideas were presented and the first possible names of leaders of a new political option in Serbia were crystallized.

In addition to the rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Đokić, who gave a pale and politically ambiguous speech, the attendees were also addressed by professor Milo Lompar, long known as an admirer of the figure and work of Radovan Karadžić, the first leader of Republika Srpska and convicted by a final verdict of war crimes. It was then that the first political framework was presented, which is summarized in the policy of “Serbian integralism”, based on a deceptive mythology about Serbia’s interests in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. Also, messages against the lithium exploitation project, against Serbia’s “neocolonialism” in relation to the EU and for a return to the traditional values ​​of Serbian society were added to this concept. In other words, the gathered mass, mainly composed of young people living in the 21st century, was offered a political program of the 19th century. Although the crowd reacted with mixed emotions to Lompar’s speech, from that moment on, the student movement increasingly fell under the influence of pro-Russian nationalist groups, which took advantage of the apolitical base of the students and the lack of a clear vision necessary to create a real alternative to the Vučić regime. For this reason, the current political conflict in Serbia increasingly resembles the competition between two factions of Seselj’s radicals – one loyal to Vučić, while the other disappointed by what it considers his betrayal of the national interests set out in the program of “Greater Serbia”, recycled today as the ideology of Vulin’s “Serbian world” or Lompar’s “Serbian integralism”. The choice of Lompar as the speaker who would set the value and ideological guidelines of the future student list was not at all accidental. This is evidenced by many signs that this movement has taken the direction of patrimonial conservatism, supported by the church, the anti-EU narrative, the alliance with Putin’s Russia and the nationalism of the 19th century. The fact that the protests in Serbia, unlike those in Georgia, did not feature EU flags, clearly showed that there is no real value distancing among the “students” from the foundations of Vučić’s system. So, there is the ambition to replace him in power, but not the will to truly modernize the state and society. This tendency is also accompanied by a geopolitical orientation that does not depart from the policy of neutrality and vacillation on the “four pillars”, a policy that has led Serbia to a strategic dead end.

Even when it comes to practicing democratic procedures, the self-proclaimed spokesmen of the protests have not shown themselves to be much different from the representatives of the regime. This was recently demonstrated by Alek Kavčić, one of the people who, thanks to his financial power, has great influence over the supporters of the student list. In a debate with journalist Suzana Trninić, Kavčić demonstrated not only an inability to conduct a civilized political dialogue, but also a tendency towards political violence and pressure on journalists and the media. The surprising silence and lack of unanimous condemnation of his insults and threats towards the well-known Serbian journalist—who only reminded him of his previous political engagement with the “Enough is Enough” list—is equally disturbing.

In addition, there is much other evidence that clearly shows that the student list does not have the capacity to make substantial steps in the strategic positioning of the country for decades to come. The current situation looks more like an engineering attempt to replace Vučić’s regime with other people, without changing the system itself. And this plunges Serbia even deeper into the mire of illusions and myths, with which its society will not be able to keep pace with modern European societies.

The selection of topics that the student movement deals with has now also become apparent. Education is no longer their focus. The tragedy in Novi Sad, which triggered the civic indignation, is mentioned only occasionally, as is the rule of law. Attention is focused on Vučić and the early elections. Topics that feed the anti-Western narrative are accepted immediately and loudly—such as the lithium issue. Immediately, the propaganda of useless ideas about the EU that aims to turn Serbia into a mining colony begins, even though an Australian company has expressed interest in opening a mine, to which no one can decide in which market it will sell its products. Meanwhile, Chinese companies quietly exploit copper and gold without any ecological standards, cut down forests without control and export logs to China for low prices. The second example is the case of the “General Staff”, which the student movement uses to revive the narratives, but also the emotions of the Milosevic period! There is talk of the war in Kosovo, of invaders on Serbian territory and of traitors to the Serbian nation who want to replace the ruined General Staff building with an American hotel! This narrative, those emotions and the decisions that were made under their shadow cost Serbia dearly. From a once respected and noble state, it turned into a state that produces wars and crimes! Therefore, the greatest evil that the Vučić regime has done to Serbia is the rehabilitation of crimes committed in the 1990s, while the young people—those children who are fighting against it today—are precisely the product of its and Russian propaganda. They are returning to the darkest period of our history, instead of looking towards the 21st century, integration, democracy and cooperation with neighbors!

Evidence of Russian involvement in the student protests is not only Lompari or Kavčić, but especially their silence on the situation around the sanctioned NIS! The movement that claims to win the upcoming elections does not say a word about the most important issue in Serbia, the issue on which the country’s energy stability and its economic future depend! Why are they silent?! Because the solution to this issue would necessarily distance Serbia from Russia and lead to the inevitable decision to sanction Moscow’s criminal regime!

Therefore, these days Serbia has suffered such a great loss that the improvement in our society would not be felt even if Vučić were to lose power soon. So much mud and radical and Russophile pollution will remain behind him that it will take us a lot of time, courage and wisdom to clean it up.

But this cleaning can be achieved! It is necessary for us as a state to turn to our neighbors and together, hand in hand, start the path towards Euro-Atlantic integration! Yes, this means the path towards membership in the EU and NATO! We must try to explain to our children that the crimes and criminals of the 1990s should not be glorified, that among the veterans there are no heroes—only losers… that those were the years of Serbian losses! To build a democratic and free Serbia, which is part of European and Euro-Atlantic organizations—this is HOMELAND LOVE!