The Russian secret network in the Balkans and lessons from Ukraine, speaks Kateryna Shymkevych (Part Two)

Continuation of the first half of the interview

Russia systematically invests public funds not in improving the lives of its citizens, but in promoting influence abroad through war, propaganda, academic exchanges, and cultural institutions, especially through organizations such as Rossotrudnichestvo.

The example of the Balkans shows how, under the guise of scientific cooperation, Russian propagandists spread narratives that glorify Serbia and demonize others, taking advantage of the state’s well-developed system of Balkan studies. Kateryna Shymkevych, PhD in History, Associate Professor of the Department of Justice and Public Administration at the Zaporizhzhia Institute of Economics and Information Technologies, who is also the founder of the public organization “Analytical Center for Balkan Studies,” said in an exclusive interview with Geopost.

Full interview (Part 2)

The Geopost: Russian narratives are even found among the teaching staff. In Pristina, I heard them from professors from America, Hungary, Slovakia. How can you explain this?

Shymkevych: First of all, because Russia has been building its soft power for more than 100 years. It started under Peter I. They invested huge sums in promoting their literature. Reading Dostoevsky and Tolstoy is, as they say, fashionable. But people don’t really understand what it’s all about. The constant opening of “Russian Houses”, supporting the diaspora abroad – all this has been happening for years. The country itself lives in poverty. I wouldn’t even call it a society or a nation in Russia. They are just people. People who are fighting against us and against the whole world. Instead of improving the life of society, all the money is invested in war, in supporting quasi-states abroad (which can promote Russian narratives), in promoting Russian literature, in opening “Russian centers”, in academic exchanges, in supporting “compatriots” abroad. This is what Rossotrudnichestvo is doing, and academic exchanges continue despite the war in Ukraine.

And this is not a new practice. Serbia, for example, does not hide the fact that professors regularly travel to St. Petersburg and Moscow for academic exchanges. Russian teachers also come to the Balkans and teach in various educational institutions. These are employees of the Diplomatic Academy in Moscow, representatives of special services disguised as teachers. They are representatives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. These people are propagandists.

Just open the website of the Institute of Balkan Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences—it’s scary what you can read there! Serbs are heroes, everyone else is aggressors. Such narratives are constantly spread because, unlike Ukraine, Balkan studies are really developed in Russia. It has been in development for some time at the level of the Academy of Sciences and with state funding.

Ukraine is gradually beginning to destroy this image of Russia in the world. In the past, we acted according to the situation. Now a policy of synchronous rapprochement is beginning to develop in our country. We are opening Ukrainian institutes abroad and organizing art festivals with the participation of Ukrainian artists. Ukrainian books are being translated, lectures are being held in Ukrainian, as if this were not so difficult.

As a scientist with 20 years of experience, it is especially important for me that we find our way to scientific journals despite all the difficulties. It is extremely difficult for a Ukrainian author to publish something that deals with history or the Balkans. Sometimes there are rejections. You can be accused of nationalism and prejudice and asked: “Why is a Ukrainian woman writing articles about the Balkans?” But thanks to cooperation with colleagues, we are slowly starting to promote Ukrainian narratives in the scientific world.

But if you look at the number of recent political science publications in Croatia, Slovenia, Serbia and Bosnia, there are a lot of Russian narratives there. To destroy them, one Ukrainian article is not enough. There has to be a system.

The Geopost: Student protests in Serbia have not stopped since the fall of last year. There is an opinion that they can be compared to the Ukrainian Maidan. Does it have a right to exist?

Shymkevych: I don't like such analogies, but if such an opinion exists, then it has the right to exist. Experts from the Serbian opposition like to compare their protests with the Ukrainian Maidan, the Revolution of Dignity. But this is a bit wrong, because they are completely different movements.

Yes, the protests in Serbia are massive, but it is a very unstructured public movement dominated by students. Their citizens support them based on the situation. The opposition does not have such a direct connection to it as in Ukraine. Political slogans have been heard only in recent weeks, calling for early elections in Serbia.

In Ukraine, it all started with student protests, then political parties, the opposition, and public activists joined in. Concrete demands were addressed to the government immediately, 10 days after the Maidan dispersal: Yanukovych's resignation, elections, the European Union. There is no such thing here.

In Serbia, the calls for elections have just begun, a part of the student movement has emerged and they want to restart the system. But they do not understand that a new beginning will not bring anything to Serbia. Bicycle rallies, mass movements, runs, support for the regions, support in the world are very positive trends. But drawing parallels with Maidan is very crude and superficial. Our movement was not politicized, but we wanted change.

Serbian society is not ready to tear down the walls: in its mind, in its society. Let's be honest: who can they put in power that suits both the people and the European Union? The opposition cannot lead these protests. It is not structured and it is not united. There is a public movement, but politicians still need to come to power, present clear demands to Vučić and then destroy the system. What are the parallels with Maidan?

The Geopost: Finally, I can't help but ask about the mysterious virus that infected Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and several other leading politicians from European countries on the eve of their planned participation in the Victory Day parade in Moscow.

Shymkevych: Both Vučić and Fico are “pillars of soft power” for Putin. They are constantly in the Kremlin’s orbit. Of course, each of them has their own interests. Vučić’s interests are not clearly political – Vučić’s gas contract has expired, he needs cheap gas. And Fico knows where to find this cheap gas.

Two and a half years ago, Serbia reserved large gas storage facilities in Hungary because its own gas storage facilities were insufficient. They have increased gas imports from Russia with the aim of pumping the gas and then perhaps reselling it to Republika Srpska and Macedonia. Fico is also interested in this, as is Hungary. This means that these two political leaders can at least go to Moscow just for the gas.

But here the European Union is starting to put pressure on them. Vucic is actually threatened with sanctions. This could be another threat, another desire to stop European integration. We had to find something, an elegant solution. All visits were announced, but it is not Vucic's method to talk directly to the boss (about a change of plans). Vucic is a player. He is a person who has been working with information and media space since the 1990s, since the time of Slobodan Milosevic. He is a fan of theater. This is the reason for all these actions: a trip to America, some incomprehensible versions of why he was not allowed to meet Trump, hospitalization. No one will confirm for sure whether he was sick or not. So what Fico could have done was to calculate what Vucic did. And now the question of how healthy he is, whether he can go to Moscow, depends on Belgrade and Bratislava. But it was a good move that showed the European Union: You say, look, I can't for health reasons, and on the other hand – "Volodya, just relax. I'm sick, I have a virus, so I'd better lie down." He understands very well what this can lead to.

This means that he will receive gas contracts. But the United States continues to postpone the imposition of sanctions against the Serbian oil industry, more than 50% of which is owned by Russian companies. The Americans have postponed this issue until June 28, but the Trump administration is very unpredictable. There were no personal visits from Vučić to Trump, or from Trump to Vučić – there were Trump’s son-in-law, Richard Grenell, and others. But the Trump administration can keep Vučić under tight control; it is a matter of economic interests. But at a certain point the sanctions will be imposed anyway, and Serbia will suffer. Vučić knows very well that he must somehow compensate, and therefore uses various tricks.

Fico can go to Moscow. He will have enough sanity to continue to show his loyalty to his masters.

P.S. Contrary to the official position of the European Union, Aleksandar Vučić and Robert Fico actually arrived in Moscow via a roundabout route and participated in the “Victory Parade” together with Kremlin dictator Vladimir Putin, self-proclaimed Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik, and other hated politicians who support Russia in its aggression against Ukraine.

/The Geopost