
Even after the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, most European scholars still view Ukraine through the West’s relations with Russia, and not as a subject of international relations. It is not only Ukrainian politicians who have to change the situation, but also the diaspora, which actively represents Ukraine, its history, traditions and values in the world.
This was told by Alina Nychyk, PhD, who worked at the European Institutions in Brussels and is currently a researcher at the Zurich University of Applied Sciences (ZHAW) in an interview with The Geopost.
Her book “Ukraine Vis-à-Vis Russia and the EU: Misperceptions of Foreign Challenges in Times of War, 2014–2015” was recently published.
Complete interview:
Alina Nychyk: This summer, at a conference in Amsterdam, I met the Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I shared with him how impressed I was by Kosovo and said that if there was a chance, I would be happy to come again. A few months later, he said: “There is such a possibility, we are organizing the Ulpiana Forum — a diaspora forum, to which guests from different countries of the world are invited.” Last year there were 20, and this year there are already over 30, more than 200 guests. The forum is dedicated to the diaspora, its importance, as well as how public organizations, businesses and politicians cooperate with the diaspora. I was invited as a moderator for this forum.
Unfortunately, in Ukraine the diaspora has historically been perceived very negatively, starting from the Soviet Union. I was struck by how well cooperation with the diaspora is developed in Kosovo, and not only here, but also in many other countries. The forum was attended by ministers and high-ranking officials who deal with the diaspora. In other countries, even small ones like the island of Saint Lucia, there are ministries responsible for the diaspora. In Ukraine, this remains a taboo subject. People who have left are often considered traitors who do not want to work for the good of the country. They do not recognize that in many cases being abroad gives an opportunity to do much more for Ukraine than could be done while staying at home.
For example, I can talk about my experience. I am a scientist, I completed my doctoral studies at the University of Manchester. Now I continue my scientific activities in Zurich, I am engaged in research on Ukraine. Universities in different countries provide me with grants for interviews and research. I deal with the topic of the Russian-Ukrainian war and Ukrainian foreign policy. This is a little-studied topic in the world, because most European scholars still view Ukraine through the West’s relations with Russia, and not as a subject of international relations. Now I am given the opportunity to conduct research that is not carried out in Ukraine due to a lack of funding in science. That is why I do it abroad to talk about Ukraine.
This is one aspect. Another is my activity as a public activist in various organizations. For example, when I was in Brussels, I organized conferences to promote Ukraine’s cooperation with the European Union. There was no opportunity to organize this in Ukraine. 4.45
My latest research as a scholar focused on the question of why the European Union granted Ukraine candidate status. I found that a large role in this was played by the Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainians abroad, who actively promoted the image of Ukraine. When Ukrainian politicians visited European countries, they often did not have proper contacts with local politicians, did not know who to meet or what to do. And it was Ukrainians, either through non-governmental organizations or individually, who organized these meetings.
In the context of my topic of Ukrainian foreign policy, I see that Ukrainians abroad are already participants in this policy. True, their work remains unpaid, and they are not part of official structures, but they have significant influence. Many European politicians and Ukrainian scholars note that Ukrainians abroad played a large role in Ukraine receiving candidate status for EU membership. Therefore, we see real results, even in such an important step for us as the status of candidate country for the EU. I would very much like to stop perceiving us as enemies.
I have my book with me. It is a study of Ukraine’s relations with the European Union and Russia during the first year of the war – Foreign Policy 2014-2015. One of the chapters is devoted to the history of Ukrainian politics from independence to 2014, an analysis of the activities of various presidents and the development of relations between Ukraine, Russia and the EU. Ukraine has always been caught between two fires.
When the full-scale invasion began, I was just finishing my PhD in Manchester. Everything had changed so much that it seemed as if my work no longer mattered. But later I realized that many aspects of Ukraine-Russia-EU relations had remained the same. Some things had changed, others had not. In the epilogue, I added a short comparison with the first year of the war.
For example, one thing that has not changed is Russia’s lack of understanding. Just as before the annexation of Crimea, no one believed that it could happen, so no one believed that Russia would invade Ukraine. Even after American intelligence released its data, European and Ukrainian politicians still did not believe that Russia could do such a thing. Disbelief in Russia’s motives, in its strategy, and in the obvious facts was present. Putin and Russian diplomats openly declared the presence of troops, but still no one believed that Russia would dare to invade.
Another thing that has not changed is the role of Ukrainian civil society and Ukrainians in the army. In 2014, Ukrainians self-organized and created volunteer battalions. In 2022 (after the start of the great war – Ed.), the role of civil society has again become extremely important. These two things have remained unchanged.
The Geopost: Before Russian tanks entered Ukraine, Russian culture was promoted in Ukraine for many years. Russian culture and propaganda are seeping into the information and cultural space of Europe. Does Switzerland, for example, have an antidote to Russian propaganda?
Alina Nychyk: After the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, many Russian channels, including Russia Today, were banned in European countries. Before the invasion, there were no serious discussions about the possibility of such a ban. Switzerland, although it is a neutral country, where citizens highly value their neutrality and are accustomed to a variety of information sources, has also changed its position. Although it is not a member of the EU, Switzerland supported sanctions against Russia because of the war, accepted Ukrainian refugees and took appropriate measures in the information sphere.
When I watch the news in German, I see quite objective narratives, not pro-Russian propaganda. However, there are other situations. For example, a Ukrainian artist, I don’t remember his name, was supposed to come to perform in Zurich. The Russian lobby managed to get the concert banned because of his alleged right-wing radical views, because he had a photo with fighters from the Azov regiment. There was also a case with a film festival where a Russian film was scheduled to be shown that portrayed Russian soldiers as innocent people. The film was made by a Russian journalist, a former employee of Russia Today. The festival organizers said they wanted to show different points of view. But in the end, thanks to the efforts of Ukrainians, this film was removed from the program.
As we can see, sometimes the processes go in different directions. But it seems to me that the Swiss are starting to understand what is happening and have even banned Russian assets. This, in my opinion, is the right step, and it is very nice to see that Switzerland is reacting in this way.
The Geopost: Russian propaganda is actively promoting the narrative that the world and Europe are already tired of a full-scale war in Ukraine. Is this true?
Alina Nychyk: The situation is different in different countries. For example, in Austria the radical right forces won the elections. One of their main slogans was: “End the war, we do not want war.” When I lived in Austria, I myself witnessed protests against sanctions against Russia: they say, we are a neutral country and we do not want sanctions. Although Austria is part of the EU, it supported sanctions against Russia.
Austria is a poorer country than Switzerland, and people are more affected by price increases and social difficulties. Ukrainian refugees receive assistance, which also creates some tension among the local population. Therefore, in Austria, one can observe a certain fatigue with Ukraine.
Switzerland is a richer country, and these problems are not so noticeable there. But even there, sometimes there are moments when, say, Ukrainians with expensive cars or receiving apartments that the locals lack cause indignation among the population. Of course, individual cases can be used to form a certain point of view. But in other countries, especially in Eastern Europe, there is an understanding of the threat from Russia, and no one wants its victory.
The Geopost: One of the first to understand the seriousness of the threat from Russia was the Republic of Kosovo. Do you see the prospect of our countries getting closer at the official level?
Alina Nychyk: I think so. Kosovo supports us very much. It is incredible how a small country with its own problems can be so pro-Ukrainian. I am always pleased to come here. Relations between our countries are constantly developing. But as long as Russia exists in its current form, with dictator Putin, and as long as Crimea and Donbas are occupied, I think it will be difficult for Ukraine to recognize Kosovo. We have a common problem, and we need to solve it. If Russia and Putin disappear, then Serbia will no longer be such a threat in the Balkans. Therefore, in my opinion, we need to defeat this common threat, and Kosovo understands this.
/The Geopost